Country needs departure from Colombo 7 centric thinking - Ven. Elle Gunawansa Thera

Leading Buddhist monk Ven. Elle Gunawansa Thera, who works with the nationalist groups, speaks about the present status of politics in the country and what he envisages. Here are the excerpts of the interview:

• There is no need for a new Constitution 
• There are no issues specific to Tamils 
• All communities have common issues 
• Constitution being worked out to please foreign forces 
• No one talks about resettlement of Sinhalese who were living in Jaffna 
• Politicians are like tradesmen flaunting their marketing skills 
• Lions and cattle cannot live in one cage 
• For Buddhists, King Dutugemunu should be next to the Buddha 
• Govt is fulfilling its obligations to international forces 
• Buddhists, Hindus should stand for country’s unity

In the wake of the call by the Mahanayake Theras against a new Constitution, how do you see the current process?
I also hold the view that there is no need for a new Constitution. It is not something demanded by the people. It is something being imposed on them by a set of politicians. Instead of living up to the people’s aspirations, the politicians’ agenda is at work. This is a Constitution being worked out to please alien forces that helped in the installation of this government. It will not serve any purpose other than creating unnecessary rifts among our Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim brethren. That rift is visible now.

Yet, the minority politicians trot out the argument that they need the new Constitution to ensure equal rights to their people. What is your response?

What are the special rights we enjoy that are denied to Tamils? There are none. Though we do not talk about it, there is injustice done to the Sinhalese. In my case, I wanted to open a centre in Kilinochchci to foster ties among the communities after the end of the war. I asked for a land. It was decided to allot a plot of land at Elephant Pass during the former rule. I secured the support of my Tamil friends. I planned for it. I named it North-South Friendship Shelter. I wanted to give accommodation facilities for anyone from any community at this centre. I wanted to promote cultural and aesthetic activities for the Tamil children. Yet, I was not given the land. The Northern Provincial Council and the Divisional Secretary are blocking it. My right has been denied. In Jaffna, there were as many as 21,000 Sinhalese living at that time. All were chased out. Why aren’t they resettled? A large number of Buddhist Viharas were destroyed. As many as 276 Buddhist archaeological sites were there. They are being vandalized. If there is an ancient Kovil in the South, I do not approve of it being vandalised by anyone. Artefacts are part of heritage. If there is any issue confronting Tamils, it has to be negotiated with us. We have to start the dialogue with people, not with politicians. But only the politicians are talking to each other. We, the people, have virtually become the political football of this game.

Now the western nations have started meddling with our matters. So, the issue is taking a turn for the worse. I do not find issues specific only to Tamils in this country. We all have common problems in different sectors, be it education, health, land etc.

As a Buddhist monk, you have close links with the Joint Opposition. Now, the National Freedom Front (NFF) has left the constitution-making process. What’s your position?

Politicians of all hues are like tradesmen flaunting their marketing skills as the situation demands. I never get carried away by it. I am a person who loves my country above anything. I remained patriotic for forty years. That is since the day I began to make sense of what is happening. I adore not only my country but also its fauna and flora, wild beasts etc. I was even close to the past leaders of the United National Party (UNP). I had close contact with late leaders Gamini Dissanayake and R. Premadasa who did some service at my behest. Specially, Gamini Dissanayake built the Mahaweli Mahaseya at my request. It was my concept. I invented the name ‘Mahaweli Mahaseya’. I laid the foundation stone. I did not like it to be laid by the then President JR Jayewardene. Instead of I, along with Gamini laid one official stone in advance without the knowledge of anyone. He was an excellent political character. I wanted to make him someone productive to this country rather than to the UNP. When I met him first, he was obsessed with cricket. He used to visit my temple regularly. He was well-read and intelligent.

However, I do not overestimate politicians. I have a political vision. V.I. Lenin said what is at stake is the fate of fatherland. Fidel Castro said ‘Motherland or Death’. Our King Dutgemunu said,” My exercise is not meant for indulgence in royal luxuries. In the world history, I have not found anyone more socialist or progressive than King Dutugemunu. As are Buddhists, we should hold the character of Detugemunu next to the Buddha only. He never partook of his meal without offering alms to Mahasanga.

One should not be faulted for loving his or her community. It is yet unacceptable to consider one community superior or the suppression of others. All have to be accepted on an equal footing. For that, a nation should have a history. A nation cannot pride itself unless it has a history. Ours has a history of 2500 years.

It is not the politicians who protected this country and the Buddha Sasana. Only Mahasanga and lay people did it. Today, politicians have been assigned the task. I am opposed to it. As for Muslims, they could live in this country because of our compassion and largesse only.

Today, the western forces attack the Buddhist and Hindu identities. Buddhists and Hindus have strong cultural links. Hindus also venerate the Buddha viewing him as the incarnation of Vishnu. Therefore, we have to get together to keep this country united. Only the western forces try to divide us. They use economic tools for this, not military weapons like in the past.

We faced terrorism for three decades, a phenomenon created by the neighbourhood. I thought of India as the eldest brother of the family of South Asia. Today, I have my doubts about the role of India. We are at the crossroad of economic, cultural and political invasions. Today, the rulers listen to the foreign powers. That is the reason for most of the issues. People would begin to realize this. Then, they would rise up in arms.

As a Buddhist clergyman, you have contact with President Maithripala Sirisena, what is your advice to him?

I met the President at times. He is a farmer’s son. So am I. I asked him to do something productive for the country. I proposed to him to repair irrigation tanks. I asked him to assign me. I do not want money. I requested him to give me the necessary resources. The foreign governments are ready to assist us. Yet, they do not do it for the rebuilding of our tanks. Whoever I associated with, I stand for the country, nothing else.

It is learnt that you once asked him to patch up differences with former President Mahinda Rajapaksa...
I did so once or twice. I said it would be better for the country if they remained united. After the end of the war, we could not remain united even for seven years. We are again in a conflict situation. If they love the country, they should iron out differences. That is my opinion. Unless they get together, we have to work out some mechanism for it.

Do you believe they should be united?

Lions and cattle cannot live in one cage. Only like-minded people can act in unison. In the govt, there are two groups. I doubt whether they stand for nationalism. They have the least consideration for the Motherland, its resources and history. I have never heard them speaking about them. For me, they are acting like auctioneers. Normally, an auction is done after some announcement. Here, they do it discreetly.

I do not go to the doorstep of anyone. It is a policy. Neither go after the rulers. I do not go to any Ministry. If anyone antagonizes me, I will retaliate. Once PM Ranil Wickremesinghe turned against me in the past. At that moment, I engineered the defection of a set of MPs, including Dr. Sarath Amunugama, Wijeyapala Mendis and others from the UNP. This group met at my place. I played a key role in aligning the JVP with former President Chandrika Kumaratunga. I did so to save the country from being partitioned through talks with the LTTE at that time. I fell out with some leaders that way. I helped Mahinda Rajapaksa in 2005. That is to resurrect the country from terrorism.

You are a Buddhist monk who maintains a close rapport with the security forces. How do you see the President signing the Office of Missing Persons Act into effect?

This is not a govt. that was installed at the behest of the people of this country. All the plans were hatched elsewhere in the world. The govt. is fulfilling its obligations to the foreign elements. If we sign these agreements in this manner, it would entail dangerous consequences to the country. I wonder why the politicians do not discuss these issues with the intellectuals of this country. They only consult their ‘yes men’. The politicians do not have any vision. We, as people with roots in this country, should take the leadership. We need a clear departure from ‘Colombo 7 centric thinking’. We need new thinking going beyond politics. We should do away with blind following of anything. We need fresh thinking. There is a fresh wave of thinking rising not only here but also elsewhere in the world as visible in what happened in countries such as France recently. Nobody can talk about nationalism without me. I am in touch with professionals in the nationalist groups.

You mentioned that you brought about political revolutions by engineering a defection. Are you planning something similar now?

I do not normally discuss what I do. I do what is necessary at the right time. We can light bucket lamps only when Vesak dawns.

There is allegation that there are attempts to compromise the foremost status accorded to Buddhism in the Constitution. What is your position?

The President came to me and gave an assurance.

In the meantime, even the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) said this position would not be compromised. Do you believe it?

They are trying to please us by saying so. Buddhism is the truth. We will protect this unhindered truth together with our culture. We want the country at large. The current constitutional provision is not elaborative enough. It has to be elaborated outlining how Buddha Sasana should be fostered.


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The fissures that lie beneath

-Uditha Devapriya

On Friday, 6 December a group of people calling themselves the National Joint Committee ("Jathika Ekabaddha Kamituwa") met at the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute for the launch of Manohara de Silva's book, "Bedumwaadeenge Upaya Marga Ha Vivastha Sanshodana" (The Methods of the Separatists and Constitutional Amendments). Manohara is a lawyer, a seasoned academic who has been moulded in the tradition of S. L. Gunasekara, H. L. de Silva, and Gomin Dayasiri. Probably on account of the resurgence of nationalism in the country, the event saw packed crowds, people who had come to listen intently to those who offered comment.

There were three speakers: Ven. Medagama Dhammananda, Gamini Marapana, and Gomin Dayasiri. All three spoke on the fatal coincidence of law and separatism: how, since the dawn of independence, those who promoted narrow, crass minoritarianism did so by resorting to the Constitution. Dhammananda Thera in particular, remembering the late Sirimavo Bandaranaike, argued quite correctly that more than the leader, it was those surrounding that leader who forced a great many Constitutional provisions which, at the end of the day, provided grist to the separatist's mill. He offered his solution: lend an ear to the aspirations of the (numerical) majority.

Merits or demerits

I have not read Manohara de Silva's book (yet), so I can't comment on its (de)merits. I do know, however, that no one, at least from de Silva's field, has attempted an enterprise of this sort. That probably explains why Dayasiri contended that every nationalist in the country must read and keep a copy of it in his or her household. The book focuses on those much vilified Constitutional amendments: the 13th (devolution), the 16th (language parity), the 17th (the Constitutional Council), and the 19th. Since spatial constraints prevent me from delving into each of these in-depth, I will instead comment on what I saw and could glean from that Friday evening.

First and foremost, I noticed a rupture in the nationalist movement. This is not something Sri Lanka has endured for too long, but then again one comes across such ruptures elsewhere. Gomin Dayasiri in particular, speaking on how the likes of S. L. Gunasekara, H. L. de Silva, and himself combated the separatist myth, argued that a national movement of this sort can easily be hijacked, if not contorted, from within. He went on to observe that quite a number of those who have been promoted to lead new political movements have pandered (and continue to do so) to forces that are quite anti-nationalist. He called on citizens to take the movement away from politicians. In this, he is correct.

Movements like this don't always subscribe to pure strains. That is why they tend to fail after a point: they house different and virulently conflicting ideological persuasions, so much so that compromise quickly degenerates into an ugly mess. The way I see it, however, this is not the only problem that the nationalist movement in Sri Lanka lacks. I can enumerate three main weaknesses, not only on the part of those leading it but also on the part of those who subscribe to it, which can prove the movement's undoing.

Rhetoric

The first: No movement can afford to substitute rhetoric for substance. The nationalist movement in Sri Lanka, however, has always preferred lofty ideals over cohesive action plans. What Manohara de Silva has tried to achieve in his book, at the outset that is, is to bring the movement closer to the legal sphere. In itself, this is laudable, though hardly enough. As I have always said or rather implied in my column, what the nationalists in this country lack isn't support, but substance. I believe Gomin Dayasiri put it best: We are content in being jubilant after victory, rather than assessing the ground situation and planning for the future. Without a healthy dose of sobriety, can any nationalist campaign survive? I think not.

The second: If nationalism is the last refuge of the scoundrel, then it goes without saying that it's a refuge of the politician. Being fixated on such politicians will not salvage the movement. If we are to combat separatism, we must first resort to ourselves. Given that we are entering the second year of a government that can't say one thing without contradicting it days later (I will get to this in next week's column), I believe that soon enough, the discordant voice of the nationalist will erupt. Whether we can prevail on ourselves to take the movement from the fringe is a question only time can answer, but I know this: Flirting with the political to win popularity cannot and will not result in a wholesome movement.

It brings me to the third (and most pertinent) problem. Most of those associated with this movement are, as everyone knows, deeply distrustful if not resentful of Western political agendas. This is reflected in their distrust of Western science, literature, and way of life. Theoretically, there isn't anything wrong in this, but given that globalization has become a reality, and given that even many of those leading the movement can't resist resorting to that same way of life they condemn, I suspect that they may be consumed by the self-contradiction that every ideological revolution houses: the tendency of the revolutionary to be subsumed by the very same forces he or she combats. Let me explain.

Western political practices

The likes of Gunadasa Amarasekara (who was there last Friday) and Nalin de Silva (who was not) have been vocal in their condemnation of Western political practices. That is understandable. Prof. Nalin de Silva, however, has been just as vocal in his critiques of Western science, religion, and literature. His ideological encounters with that eloquent believer in Western science and philosophy, Prof. Carlo Fonseka, should convince anyone that the man deeply believes what he says and writes. My question to those who believe (in) him, therefore, is this: since globalization (or Westernization) has become a reality we have to put up with, how are we going to reconcile the nationalist and the globalist resident in us?

Prof. Nalin de Silva, let's not forget, was the man who brought out the political side of the Jathika Chinthanaya, a potent (post-modern) nationalist movement if ever there was one. A careful perusal of his writings (particularly "Mage Lokaya") will indicate that he is attacking the very base on which modernity rests. I am not questioning the sincerity of the man (of his intellectual honesty and that of Gunadasa Amarasekara, no one should doubt), but I am worried: we are not living in the time of Mahatma Gandhi and the Anagarika Dharmapala. These were people who could combat Westernization because globalization wasn't in the offing then. Times have changed, though. So have people. How do we adapt to that reality?

1956 revolution

While we're at it, let us remember that this was precisely the point at which 1956 revolution failed. The man they opted for to lead their campaign then was someone who did away with his predecessor's practice of eating egg hoppers in the morning press conference in favour of kiribath, only to spoil the effect by eating that kiribath with a spoon. No, I don't deny that people have their personal lives, that there is a dichotomy between their public and private face, but I persist: if the contradiction between the public anti-Western thrust and concomitant personal tilt towards Westernization of this movement isn't resolved, a Jathika Viyaparayak won't result. An aberration will.

There are three problems and three issues. How will our nationalists solve them? Hard to answer, but an answer to it we must find. If the recent past is anything to go by, the next few months will be tumultuous. No less a figure than Dayan Jayatilleka (who is no astrologer) has predicted that 2017 may well be the final year of a unitary Sri Lanka. Whether or not you agree with the man, it's hard to shake off such a prediction.

I believe Manohara de Silva, given his credentials, has given us something to resort to, in order for us to connect rhetoric with political and legal practice. His choice of language deserves commendation too: at a time when lawyers are making their case for going beyond the 13th Amendment in lofty, abstract terms, only the vernacular can or will awaken the people to the threat we've placed ourselves in.

Where does all this lead us to, though? I mentioned something about a rupture before, a rupture in the nationalist movement. I argued also that there are no pure strains. I can hence conclude on this note.

Peculiar creature

The nationalist is a peculiar creature. He can be a political animal, he can subscribe to the same ideologies that are against his practice, and yet return to his base and argue from the standpoint of the country's welfare. In a context where there remains an (hitherto unresolved) dichotomy between societal freedom and individual freedom, between nationality and citizenship, I suspect that what we saw last Friday was an adjunct, and a valuable one at that, to the nationalist discourse. Whether or not this movement (the Joint National Committee) will transcend petty political jealousies and differences is a question we are not fit to answer. We can only watch, wait, and hope.

[ceylontoday]

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We should strive to build a country on our own civilization values

Q How do you see the concept of evolution of nationalism over internationalism against the backdrop of the US Presidential Election ?

We can analyze the outcome of the US election from different angles. In October, 2001, I wrote an article analyzing the September 11 attack on the United States Twin Towers. I pointed out in my article that the US advocated open borders across the globe only to fulfil its capital requirements. The US was striving to build a world without borders virtually for its capital to flow freely. By the collapse of the Berlin wall, the US was actually trying to open up East Europe and Russia for its capital. What they wanted was to open up the markets. Yet, the US and its allies never opened up themselves for the other nations. That is the reason why, in Third World countries, there are so many queues in front of Western Embassies, for visas. If it was a free world, citizens the world over should have been able to travel, live, work as they like. The September 11 attack, in my opinion, challenged US borders.
I see the victory of Donald Trump as the US President as a call for protectionism and for building walls on its boundaries. It is a call from the White American people. That is also what happened regarding Brexit. Therein, British citizens also said what Britain was preaching to the world was inappropriate for them, and the country should opt for protectionism instead.

Q How will this global trend impact or influence nationalism in Sri Lanka in your view?

More than Trump’s victory, Hilary’s defeat is a gain for nationalist movements across the globe. I do not want to analyze Trump’s victory as a victory of nationalism. But, the ideology espoused by Hilary Clinton was rejected in her own country. It is a gain for nationalism. For us, what’s happening in China, its rise is more important than what happened in the US. It is bound to equal the US in terms of economic size by 2025. By 2050, it will be double the size of the US economy. At the same time, countries such as India, Brazil, South Africa, and Korea are making giant strides in economic growth eclipsing the global economic hegemony hitherto maintained by Europe and the US. China and other Asian countries will rise while preserving their cultural identities. They may have derived Western technology and knowledge for their production purposes. Martin Jacques, the author of ‘When China Rules the World’ shows that although China seems to be Westernized in appearance, it is becoming more and more Chinese in food, in language usage, in family life etc. Koreans work in their own language and the Chinese do the same. This is a consolation for us. It gives the message that we, can rise along with them, while preserving our own cultural and civilizational identity.

Q Do you mean that Sri Lanka should team up with the newly emerging world order in this manner?

That should happen compulsorily. Until World War II, Britain was the imperialist giant. Along with it, Portugal, the Dutch, Belgium, France and Spain colonized countries in the world and established their authority. From World War II onwards, the hegemony of the US-led West prevailed up to now. They all have the same civilizational link. After centuries, the world is heading in a different direction today. China is becoming a global power. The global leadership is transferred to a nation with a different thinking. It will look at the world from a novel perspective. It is a country with a rice-eating people. In the past, we saw the US and Russia as two power centres trying to establish their control. It is not so today. Today, different countries rise, with different civilization bases; with their own cultural identities. That is very important. This has given us hope that we will also be able to rise on our own. It is not that we should emulate China. We should strive to build a country on our own civilization values. This is what Dr. Gunadasa Amarasekera has shown in his new book ‘Sabhyathwa Raajya Karaa’. Of course, we can align with China as we find more similarities with China than with the Western world.

Q How do you analyze the evolution of Sinhala nationalism in Sri Lanka against the backdrop of different perspectives regarding it from the Western point of view?

Everybody has to understand that the people of Sri Lanka built its civilization over 2500 years ago. Ancient irrigation works, religious monuments such as magnificent Dagobas speak of it. And it’s not a dead civilization. We use those “wew” (irrigation works) to-date. We worship those dagobas to date. It’s a living civilization. The Mahawamsa, whatever is contained in it, has inspired generation after generation for over 2000 years. Sri Lanka, as a small island, faced constant invasions from external elements.

While repulsing such invasions, the country was able to sustain its civilization for over 2500 years. This is a unique situation in world history because there are only a handful of countries that weathered such invasive pressures and survived. If you look at the Roman Empire, how many centuries did it survive? The US has only a history of less than 500 years. Even the empire built by Dharmashoka did not last for 100 years. But, with the inspiration from Mahavamsa, the people of this country have acted to foster and protect their civilization for more than 2500 years. Nobody can deny it. We preserved our country until we were deceived into ceding the country to a foreign rule under the 1815 Treaty. The Portuguese, with their firepower, could conquer nations in Asia, Africa and America within a short span of time. For most of the countries they did not need even a decade. But, for centuries we stood up to them and protected our country. Even the British failed to conquer us militarily.
The Great Anagarika Dharmapala rekindled this civilization consciousness in our people. Kumaratunga Munidasa refined this consciousness. In fact, in 1956, what triumphed was nationalism rekindled by Anagarika Dharmapala. Mr. S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike gave leadership to it in the political front.

Q In today’s context, how do you work for the victory of nationalism politically?

In 1956, when the draft bill to make Sinhala the State language was presented, the MPs of the Northern Province queried the fate of the Tamil language. Then, Mr. Bandaranaike, as the Prime Minister, made a special statement. He sought a little more time from them and asked them to be patient till the issue at hand was addressed. He said let him first bring his struggle with what he called ‘Kalu Suddas’ to an end. He opined once that was done, it would be easy to address the issue of the Tamil people. Nationalists didn’t struggle against Tamils. They struggled against Western hegemony. They fought against ‘Kalu Suddas’. Philip Gunawardena called them ’thuppahiyas’. Ananda Coomaraswamy has called this English educated Anglicised class as ‘bastard intellectuals’. When we try to walk towards our civilization roots, this Anglicised elite use Tamils as the cat’s paw.

Q How do you work for a political victory to the nationalist movement?

When terrorist attacks were taking their toll in major capitals of the world, Sri Lanka, as a small nation, freed itself from the menace. What happened on January 8, 2015 was a conspiracy. That was meant to reverse the gains we achieved. Gains we achieved by defeating terrorism; gains we achieved in development goals as a small, independent nation.
We have to defeat conspirators. There is no alternative other than that. President Maithripala Sirisena was installed in power with the involvement of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and former President Chandrika Bandaranaike. They both act as agents of the Western powers. We have to free the country from this coterie.

We have to achieve three targets here. One is that the nationalist forces should defeat the current rule. Next, we should not give into separatist demands in any way. We should make sure that even a single clause that paves the way for Federalism or separatism should not be included in the constitution. We do not rule out the need for amending the constitution. We do not find faults with an electoral system that ensures a representative responsible for each constituency. Actually, we demand it. We are not opposed to making amendments to the Executive Presidency. We are for strengthening the Parliament.
The LTTE was defeated finally in Nanthikadal. The TNA, Tamil diaspora, and all the separatist forces backed the LTTE. So, with the defeat of the LTTE, separatism was also defeated. The country, resuscitated from the scourge of terrorism, should be united politically. The war victory should be made a political victory enabling all the people of this country to live together under a unitary state.
My opinion is that nationalism should be upheld not only in the political front but also in our day-to-day life. In 1956, after the victory of Mr. Bandaranaike, after Sinhala was made the state language, our people expect the state to protect the language. In the same way, they anticipate the Government to protect Buddhism. It is true that the Government must intervene. But it is our responsibility too. If we don’t use Sinhala in our day-to-day work, if we don’t do business in Sinhala, if we don’t live and love in Sinhala no Government will be able to help.

Q What is the solution you offer to the Tamil national question?

What is the way for you to get citizenship in the United States? You have to sit for an English language proficiency test. In India, the state language is Hindi. Nobody questions these. But here in the Lal Wijenayake committee report, it has been proposed to remove the lion symbol from the national flag for the sake of reconciliation. Once TNA MP Mr. Sumanthiran said, that as long as Buddhism is accorded the foremost place there will be no solution, as there is no equality.

Today, Sri Lanka’s situation is compared to what happened in South Africa during apartheid. In that country, the blacks were denied travelling together with the whites in buses. They were not allowed to live in the same cities and towns. Blacks were segregated. Even in the United States, it happened until the ‘60s. Have we ever done it here? What are they talking about?
TNA MP Sumanthiran also said the suppression of minority rights by the majority verdict of the majority community was the cause of this problem. He cited a nice example. He referred to a family with one boy and three girls. During the first school vacation, the boy wanted to go hiking, whereas the three girls insisted on picnicking on a beach. They could not agree with each other. Then, a vote was taken. The three girls easily voted out the boy and succeeded in going on a picnic to the beach. Then comes the second school vacation. Again the boy asked for hiking but the girls refused. Again, the vote was taken ensuring victory for the girls. During the third vacation, the same happened. This is the plight of Tamils as noted by MP Sumanthiran.

This is utter falsehood. In our country, we are blessed so that we can go on hiking and beach picnicking on the same trip. In politics also, both hiking and beach picnicking have taken place together.
Take the case of making Sinhala the state language in 1956. Many people say the crisis was triggered by the enactment of this Act within 24 hours. It is not true. That Act became operational in the country only on 1st March, 1961. But before that, in 1958, the very same ‘Sinhala’ government of Bandaranaike brought the Tami Language (Special Provisions) Act. It was also scheduled to be operational from 01st March, 1961. So, in practice English was replaced on the same day in the south, and by Tamil in the North and East as administrative and judicial languages. So, picnicking on the beach and hiking took place in the same holiday on the same day.

The Sinhala language was not imposed by force on Tamil children. They were not forced to study in Sinhala. Not in the North nor in the East. Not even in the West. Not anywhere. At Royal College, Colombo, teaching was done and still is done in both mediums. Even Mr. Sumanthiran as an old Royalist knows that. His children who go to Royal College can learn in the Tamil medium although they have preferred English. Both sons of Northern Chief Minister C. V. Wigneswaran studied at Royal College. They know the reality. If you look at cut-off points determined for admission of students to popular schools after the Grade 5 Scholarship Examination, the Tamil medium cut-off points are determined for all 25 districts of Sri Lanka. However, the Sinhala medium cut-off points are determined only for 20 districts. In five districts, classes are not conducted even up to Grade 5 in the Sinhala Medium. They are Jaffna, Batticaloa, Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu and Mannar. I have met Sinhalese people in the Batticaloa district who have been forced to educate their children in the Tamil medium as there isn’t a single school nor a single class which teaches in the Sinhala medium. What has the Northern Chief Minister done about this? What have the TNA MP’s done about this? Who are the real racists?
We have made Sinhalese and Tamils as citizens equal before the law. This is what Nelson Mandela asked for. This is what Martin Luther King Jr. dreamed for. If our Tamil brothers have aspirations beyond that, the only solution will be to defeat those. And we will certainly do that.

The racist separatist aspirations were the main cause for the monster Prabhakaran. So after 30 years of destruction please, please don’t repeat the same mistakes.

[Daily Mirror : 2016-11-30]

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NJC calls for hanayakes’ opinion on constitutional making process

-Shamindra Ferdinando-

The National Joint Committee (NJC) yesterday called for Mahanayakes’ intervention to prevent the division of the country on ethnic lines.
Executive member of the NJC Gevindu Cumaratunga alleged that the on-going parliamentary process was aimed at creating a federal state.
Addressing the media at the National Library Documentation Services Board, Cumaratunga asserted that the reports produced by six Sub Committees, particularly the one that dealt with Centre-Periphery relations had been geared to achieve separatist goals.

The NJC spokesman sad the recommendations at issue were at variance with repeated assurances given by President Maithripala Sirisena and Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe that Sri Lanka’s unitary status as well as the position of Buddhism in the Consitution wouldn’t be undermined.

Cumaratunga requested the Mahanayakes to express their views on the recently released reports to prevent the government from deceiving the people. The civil society activist alleged that UNP National List MP Jayampathy Wickremaratne, head of the Public representation Committee on Constitutional Reforms Lal Wijenayake, TNA MP M.A. Sumanthiran et al had been deeply involved in the process therefore the government’s intention was clear.

Cumaratunga pointed out that major political parties namely the UNP, the SLFP, the UNP and the TNA hadn’t made representations to the Six Committees. The NJC spokesperson challenged them to reveal their stand on the controversial reports without further delay.

Cumaratunga expressed concern over the possibility of external powers funding a special project in the guise of a people’s campaign in support of the yahapalana operation.
Attorney-at-law Kalyananda Thiranagama warned of dire consequences unless the on-going process was reversed. Alleging that the Diaspora and the eelamists here would demand the abolition of the Sixth Amendment to the Constitution especially brought in to thwart separatist project, Thiranagama compared the Sri Lanka’s plight with that of former Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia.

Thiranagama asserted that the country might be divided into four regions with Muslims having a unit of their own.
Retired Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekera said the country faced division on ethnic lines in spite of huge sacrifices made by the armed forces. The former UPFA Deputy Minister said that eelamists could now achieve their separatist objectives though the LTTE had been eradicated and peace restored in May 2009.

President’s Counsel Manohara de Silva said the on-going process that would certainly weaken the centre. PC de Silva pointed out that the Sub Committee headed by TNA MP Dharmalingham Siddarthan had asserted that Sri Lanka’s unitary status had been an impediment to devolution and therefore a federal stricture would be required.

The PC emphasised that the NJC strongly opposed any attempt to do away with the unitary character of the state at the behest of eelamists backed by Western powers.

Alleging that the 13 Amendment to the Constitution had severely undermined the powers of Parliament as well as the unitary character of the State, PC de Silva said that instead of further strengthening Provincial Councils, immediate action should be taken to repeal Article 154 G (2) and (3) which prevented Parliament from cancelling or amending a statute passed by Provincial Council unless a two-thirds majority could be mustered for that purpose.

The PC said that Parliament should be able to repeal any legislation passed by a Provincial Council with a simple majority the way it repeals its own laws if it so desired in the national interest.

The top NJC spokesman said that MP Dharmalingham’s Sub Committee had proposed to do away with the Concurrent List, National Policy included in the Reserve List, powers of the Governor as well as Fiscal control by the government.

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English-speaking Tamils created what is called ‘ethnic problem’ -Nalin de Silva

An academic with a strong national bent Dr. Nalin De Silva, who has done extensive research and studies into history , speaks about the origin of what is called ‘ national question ‘, the way forward to address it and the chronology of events that led to the present situation. The excerpts of the interview are as follows

Q In your view, what is the root cause that led to the emergence of what is called ‘ethnic problem’ in the country?

There is no root cause as such. If you say root cause, it implies that there is a problem. There is no problem here. What really happens is this. When the Portuguese came to Sri Lanka, the majority in what is known as the Jaffna peninsula was Sinhala. This has been recorded by Father Queroz who is a Catholic priest and a historian. That was somewhere in the early 15th century. There were some Tamil castes. There were some Malayalam people who came from Kerala. They were brought down by the Sinhala kings. After the Dutch came, they started their tobacco plantations in Jaffna .For that, they got labourers from the Coromandel Coast. Coromandel is a corruption of Cora Manadal. That is the present ‘Tamil Nadu’. There was no ‘Tamil Nadu’. In fact there was no Tamil identity even in India. When these people were brought, they were from the Vellalar caste. Then, these Vellalars, according to the North Indian Vedic caste system, were Ksudras. There are four castes according to the Vedic system-Brahmana, Kshatriya, Waishya and Ksudra. Ksudra was the lowest. People of the southern part of India were called Ksudras. These people were brought here as agricultural labourers. The Dutch brought such people here. Also, these people were taken to South Africa. In Natal, South Africa too, Vellalar caste people are there.

After these people came to Sri Lanka, the Dutch gave them prominence. The Tamil castes that were there were maltreated by the Dutch. Then, the Vellalars became the dominant people among the Tamils castes in the Jaffna peninsula at that time. Then, something else also happened. The Sinhala people who were living there were absorbed into the Tamil society. They were made the so called low castes in Jaffna; that is Karaiwar, Nalavar. Actually, such low caste people in Jaffna are descendants of Sinhala people who were living there at that time.

The Dutch got Mudliyars to write a book even called Yalpanam Waippamalai. That is not a history book. It is a myth. After that, the British gave them preferential treatment again. For some reasons or other, the American missions went there and started schools. In fact, there were more English educated people in Jaffna than in the rest of the country. Jaffna Tamils always looked down upon the Batticaloa Tamils who were brought by the British.


Q Then, how valid is the homeland concept?

You can see all these people, whether in Jaffna, Batticaloa or in the estate sector of the hill country, were brought either by the Dutch or the British. It is not there homeland. The homeland of an ethnic group or a nation is the place where the culture associated with that ethnic group came into existence. The Tamil culture did not come into existence either in Jaffna or the eastern province. There has been no homeland here. Their homeland is in Chennai or Madurai.

Ethnic groups are associated with some culture. It can be a religious culture or anything. Today, ethnic cultures are mostly associated with religions. The homeland of an ethnic group is the place where the culture associated with that group was born and came into existence.

Q Then, how can the Sinhala people claim their right to this land as they originated from elsewhere in India?

There are only two groups that can say this as their homeland. One group is Sinhala. The Sinhala culture was born here not anywhere else. If you say the Sinhala people are the descendants of King Vijeya and all, then there is no Sinhala culture prevailing in any part of India today, be it Bengal or Oddissa. That culture was born here. The other culture that was born here is that of Veddahs. Veddahs have now become Sinhalized.
These people brought here were referred to as Malabars right throughout. In the latter part of the 20thcentury, they were called Ceylon Tamils. Until then, they were called Malabars. That implies that there was no ethnic Tamil identity not only here but also in so called India.

The Tamil ethnic identity only came in India in the 19th century, not before that. Before that, there were many ethnic communities such as Cholas, Pandyas etc. But, there was no Tamil identity as such. There were Cholas. They would have spoken Tamil. Speaking a language does not give them identity. For example, English is spoken in Australia, New Zealand, and the United States of America. Yet, they are not called English. Even in the US, they are not called English. That is a different concept.

After the Tamil identity was established in South India, these people were also called Tamils. To differentiate them from Indians, they were called Ceylon Tamils. These are interesting facts. People do not analyze these facts.

Q Actually, how did this problem originate then?

The so called ethnic problem started here in 1831, not in 1956 or any other time. I have explained it for more than 25 years. In 1831, the Legislative Assembly was established by the British. The British had nine official members and six unofficial members in it. The unofficial members consisted of three Europeans, one to represent the Sinhala people, one to represent the Ceylon Tamils and one to represent Burghers. Burghers were a small minority even then. That is when this so called ethnic problem started. The Sinhala people had a history of at least 2000 years. They were the majority, accounting for at least 75 percent of the population. The Ceylon Tamils accounted for less than ten percent. The Ceylon Tamils only had a history up to 1650. I challenge anybody to disprove me. I base my arguments not only on the thesis by Prof. Kartikesu Indrapalan but also on Dutch records. More importantly, we cannot notice the difference of the Tamil language spoken here and parts of Tamil Nadu.

The linguists’ have a way of identifying the year in which these two branches of the Tamil language started. Linguists will tell you the language spoken in in Jaffna is not more than 350 years. Any linguist can tell. I was told by a linguist. He is dead now.
My ancestors also came from India. I can trace back my ancestry to the 12th century at least. We were assimilated into the Sinhala culture
People like Ponnambalam Ramanathan and Ponnambalam Arunachalam also came after 1650. But, they were not assimilated into the Sinhala culture. If they were assimilated, there would have been no problem. But the Dutch prevented it. The Dutch, in fact, got Sinhala people living in Jaffna converted to Tamil.

Now, Northern Province Chief Minister C.V. Wigneswaran who is related to Arunachalam is also a descendent of those who came after 1650. Mr. Wigneswaran calls Jaffna as his homeland for two things. His hometown is Colombo. But, his homeland is somewhere in Tamil Nadu. Towards the end of the 19thcentury, the Sinhala and Tamil people were made equals by the English in 1831. To equate 75 percent of the people with just ten percent of the population, to equate a history of 2000 years with a history of 350 years, what is the democracy there? Human rights of the Sinhala people were not respected by the English.
That was the beginning of the problem. English speaking Tamils were a majority. The English speaking Tamils considered themselves either equal or better than the English speaking Sinhala people. Whenever the English wanted to increase the number of representations in the Legislative Assembly, the English speaking Tamil Vellalars of Christian origin.

English speaking Tamils always wanted their representatives to be equal or more than the representation of Sinhala people. People like Ramanathan and Arunachalam vehemently opposed any attempt to increase the representation of the Sinhalese in the Legislative Assembly. Ramanathan, I consider, is the first Tamil racist in this country.
Unfortunately, there was some division among the English speaking Sinhalese as well. In the case of English speaking Tamils, they overwhelmingly belonged to Vellalars. But, there was infighting among English speaking Sinhala people over caste issues. In 1912, the English gave limited franchise only to the English speaking people- landed proprietors. When the elections were held for the newly constituted seats, two people contested- Markes Fernando and Ramanathan. The English educated Sinhala people, among Govigama caste, voted for Ramanathan because Markes Fernando was from Karawa caste.

In 1871, the State Councils were formed. G.G. Ponnambalam fought for fifty- fifty. What is fifty-fifty? It means fifty percent of representation should be for the non-Sinhala people and the remainder for the Sinhala people. It meant less representation for the Sinhala people. Who started racism then? English speaking Tamils started this with the blessings of the English. It is the Sinhala people who fought against the English rule. English wanted to suppress Sinhala people and punish them. The English, then, wanted to give universal franchise. Finally, the majority representation was from the Sinhalese. You cannot prevent that.
When the Soulbury commission came in, these English speaking Tamil Vellalars went before it. They did not want the universal franchise to be given. They wanted to demarcate the parliamentary seats in a manner that the Sinhala people would never get the majority. That was why, the so called multi-member constituencies were created.

Even after the1947 elections, the English speaking Tamils wanted to become prominent and dominant people in Sri Lanka. But, S.J.V. Chelvanayagam, a member of the South Indian Anglican church, realized that Tamils cannot become leaders because of universal franchise. He started Ilankai Tamil Arachu Katchi (ITAK). He established his party in the GCSU building. That is to create a Tamil estate. That time, there was no Tamil homeland concept. It came after 1976.
ITAK was created long before 1983, 1972 and 1956. How can you blame the Sinhala people for creating the problem?

Q However, there is an issue with Tamils in the north and the east asking for a solution. What is the approach you propose then?


You cannot say the problem is there. Of course, Prabhakaran appeared. Prabhakaran‘s mindset was that of the English speaking Tamils. Prabhakaran was not an English speaking Tamil. So, the problem is now in the hands of non –English speaking Tamils. Prabhakaran was influenced by the JVP as well. He used JVP tactics. His ideology was of Ramanathan and Chelvanayakam.
The problem was divided into two. They say Tamils are discriminated against. Their argument is that Tamils should be given more powers devolved to the north and the east. That is the problem these people try to solve. I have asked this question for more than 25 years. What are the injustices caused to the Tamils simply because they are Tamils? Nobody has answered that question. Now, Dr. Nirmal Ranjith Devasiri answered it recently after 25 years. What is his answer? Finally he has said that the problem of Tamils is that they do not have a state of theirs. It is ridiculous. If they want a state, it has to be found in India. The northern and eastern provinces are not Tamil homelands. Also, what are they trying to solve? Are they trying to solve the problems of the Tamils in the north and the east? These two provinces were demarcated by the English only in 1889. Does it mean that only in 1889, these so called homelands came into existence?

When the English demarcated this country first into five provinces, even Anuradhapura belonged to the Northern Province. They could claim that even Anuradhapura was their homeland. Had they continued to maintain five provinces, the Sinhalese would have lost Anuradhapura as well.
If devolution is going to solve the problem of the Tamils in the North and the East, what about the Colombo Tamils and those elsewhere in the country? If there are injustices, it should be to all. Aren’t you going to solve problems of the Colombo Tamils? If not so, you are discriminating against them.
In the country, more than 50 percent of Tamils live outside the north and the east.

Q What do you propose to do to address these matters?

I have a different proposition altogether. There is no ethnic problem as such. Unfortunately, most of the Tamils in Jaffna do not know that they are descendants of Sinhala people. My position is that non -Vellalar Tamils should be made free of Vellalars. Unfortunately, the Sinhala people do not know the history of the problem. Sinhala people should be educated about it. I have been trying to educate them, but they do not understand.
Thirdly, I do not believe in development in a western sense. I believe the whole country should be developed without giving any preferential treatment to any district, not even to Hambantota or Polonnaruwa.

In the case of Mahinda Rajapaksa as the then President, Jaffna was developed. Jaffna got the lion’s share. Then, administrative powers should be devolved to the districts. The districts were introduced by the British for their convenience. I say it is better to divide the country into districts for our convenience so that the Governments Agents continue to look after the affairs. I am proposing to establish the district councils as the unit of administrative power, not the political power. [www.dailymirror.lk]
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Sinhalese Thank Wigneswaran’s Racism

-Shenali D Waduge

We must owe a lot of gratitude to the Northern Provincial Chief Minister for his racism which has helped wake up quite a lot of Sinhalese from their slumber. We must confess that the Chief Minister has achieved what many of us have been trying to do. With the recently concluded Jaffna protests coupled with the attacks on the Sathosa retail outlet and Jaffna university students openly commemorating a dead LTTE cadre (Thileepan), the Sinhalese are taking out their history books and questioning the legitimacy of what Wigneswaran and other Tamil racists are now demanding.

Let’s just logically assess the situation. For any ethnic group to be demanding that they were the historical inhabitants of an area they must forward historical proof and not propaganda. The island was invaded 17 times by South Indians and inspite of the destructions there still remains Buddhist sites in the North which further reveals that there would have been plenty of Buddhist sites in the North before they were destroyed by both Indian and the 3 colonial invaders. Finally, Sinhalese are also thinking on these lines.

If Tamils were the original inhabitants how can there be Tamils in South India as well? The same ethnic group cannot evolve from 2 different countries? Lets not forget that Tamil Nadu has been claiming the self-determination rights before the Tamils in Sri Lanka. There cannot be 2 homelands for the same ethnic people. More and more Sinhalese are now asking this question too.

The other important factor is that there is sufficient evidence historically to prove that Sinhalese were living and having a civilization in the North from 1^st century AD. Thankfully the Sinhalese are waking up.

The Tamils cannot plug a period that Tamil Nadu invaders ruled after the Sinhale kings and then say this was their homeland. By all logic the Sinhalese must say the North was the homeland of the Sinhalese as well and historical proof is ample to showcase this.

Wigneswaran claims Tamil Homeland – Where?

The Sinhalese are now asking. All agree it is nowhere but in South India where Tamils originally came from, where Tamil language and culture originate from and where Tamil customs and traditions. Every aspect of Tamil culture and traditions finds their root to Tamil Nadu therefore there is nothing to claim anything as having evolved in North Sri Lanka. Apart from spending a lot of money on plugging ‘Tamil Homeland’ to every demand there is absolutely no historical proof of such to claim that Tamils evolved from this so-called area.

Wigneswaran claims no Buddhist history in North Sri Lanka

Thankfully the Sinhalese are not only asking each other this question but also taking out the books, some are even googling articles – what a relief!  Jaffna peninsula and Nagadipa is mentioned when Buddha first visited Sri Lanka. Yapane derives from Sinhalese Yapapatuna. Nagas who were related to the ruling royal family in Kelaniya were the ancient inhabitants of Jaffna. A Kiripalu tree was said to have been consecrated by Buddha while in 2^nd century AD King Bhatikatissa built a relic house at the foot of this tree. King Aggbodhi II during the 6^th century AD patronized this same vihara.

King Devanampiyatissa’s envoys set off to India from Jambukola port the same port that Sanghamitta theraniya came with the sacred Bodhi tree. Here too a temple was built and a sapling planted by King Devanampiyatissa. King Kanithatissa in the 2^nd century AD repaired the Tissamahavihara builty by King Devanampiyatissa and was improved by Voharikatissa in 3^rd century AD. In the 11^th century King Vijayabahu I repaired the Jambukola vihara. The Vasabhas gold plate found in Vallipuram near Point Pedro mentions a vihara built by Piyaguka tissa where some 12,000 monks are said to have resided. Another vihara (Mangala vihara) was restored by King Dhatusena in the 5^th century AD. There are many other viharas that have been built by Sinhala kings in the North.

A Chola inscript in the 8^th year of Rajadhiraja II rule mentions preparations for a port in Uratota today known as Kayts another evidence that Sinhalese Kings were ruling the North. Port Valigama (Vallikaman) is mentioned in Sigiri Graffiti which again proves that Valigama was populated by Sinhalese in 8^th century.

All these proves beyond a shadow of a doubt that from 1^st century to 11^th century the Sinhalese royal authority prevailed and Sinhalese people were living in the Northern peninsula.

Wigneswaran can please disprove above with historical evidence only!

So when and from where did Tamils come?

Tamils never evolved in Sri Lanka. They came as migrants and after invasions first with the Chola invasions during the 13^th century till the Aryacakravarti rule.

The take away from this is that these were invasions and the Tamils that remained were not originally from North Sri Lanka. To claim Tamil homeland the Tamils must have been born and formed a civilization. There has to be remnants of that civilization. We cannot find any such.

However, the Sinhalese have enough of Buddhist remains to showcase.

Kantaroda – near Valigama (Valikaman) where 22 dagabas are found. There is a huge limestone Buddha statue recovered from excavations in the Jaffna Archaeological Musuem (hopefully it is still there)

Neelavehera (Nilavarai) situated in Valigama where the upper part of a Buddha statue modelled in the Abhaya-mudra has been discovered. Another dagaba close to the statue dates back to 10^th century.

Hunugama (Chunnakam) is where another dagoba was found near the rail track. There are many other dagobas found throughout the Jaffna peninsula.

Gothamaluwatta (Gottamalivattai) is where several Buddhist sites have been found along the route taken by Sangamitta theri. Gotha is taken as an abbreviated term for Gotami/Gautami which means honoured.

What is also important to note is that all these place names now Tamilized were originally in Sinhala. Please refer work of Prof. Chandra Dharmawardha.

Kamalika Pieris in several articles covering Buddhism in Ancient Jaffna highlights that Buddha’s first visit to Sri Lanka was to Nagadipa which is part of the ‘solosmastana’ (16 places of worship of Buddhists).

Paul E Pieris claims that Nagadipa was the name given to Jaffna peninsula and its islands – even addressing the Royal Asiatic Society reconfirming that Jaffna was part of the ancient Sinhala Buddhist civilization. The Vallipuram gold plate found around 1936 confirmed Nakadiva (Nagadipa) was the ancient name given to Jaffna. Jaffna was an island separated from the mainland by a narror strip of water and became linked to the mainland only in the 18^th century.

Therefore, theatrics aside Jaffna must be renamed Nagadipa and the Nainativu temple must be relocated to Jaffna.

There are hundreds and hundreds of artefacts and historical proof to show the Sinhalese were living in the North – what can Wigneswaran show to claim Tamils were living in the North BEFORE the Sinhalese and that Tamils evolved in the North? This should be the question that needs to be answered. However you cannot have the same people evolving in two places. In other words you cannot have Tamils evolving in Tamil Nadu at the same time Tamils evolving in Sri Lanka. Let us not forget that the self-determination struggle started in Tamil Nadu and that was the key reason why the struggle was palmed off to Sri Lanka by India through militancy.

We must also not fall prey to Sinhalese originating from Prince Vijaya. This is another myth fed into our system. The 4 tribes were known as Sivu-hela and this in time came to be Sinhale and they were living in the island far before Vijaya and his men landed.

A further search and queries will bring to light that King Senarath despatched Mudaliar Attapattu to Jaffna in 1619 following the Portuguese conquest. Why would King Senarath the Kandyan King despatch his finest officer to Jaffna? Good question – the simple answer is that Jaffna was a kinglet of the Kandyan Kingdom as was the East. According to Father Queyroz the King had despatched 10,000 men to defend Jaffna. The last battle for the defense of Jaffna before it fell to European powers was fought not by a Tamil army but by Sinhalese men sent by the King of Kandy. As Queroyz says “as long as Rajapure (Anuradhapura) was the capital of Ceylon, the whole island was subject to one kng” If it was so with Anuradhapura, it was so with the rest of the capitals. When the Portuguese arrived in 1505 there were 15 ‘kinglets’ subject to the King of Kotte of which Jaffnapatao kinglet was one and none of them were independent or separate from the rest.

Leaving all this aside – the simple logic is that if the Tamils evolved in the island then they should not be called Tamils. Sinhalese are not found anywhere else in the world except in Sri Lanka. Vijaya didn’t speak Sinhala nor is there any people called Sinhalese in any of the independent kingdoms that became known as India when British amalgamated these kingdoms. Sinhalese people, Sinhalese language all evolved in Sri Lanka.

Now let us take the demands placed during Wigneswarans racist protests.

1.           Stop Sinhala Buddhisization of Tamil Homeland – Reading the above, you will realize what an absurd and preposterous demand this is. It is no surprise that there are steps underway funded by foreign sources to have integrit-less academics re-write bizarre history in keeping with this. Please must be aware of ground realities and refuse to play a part. First it was Stop Sinhala Colonization now its Stop Sinhala Buddhisization –what will be the next slogan?

2.           Federal Solution recognizing the Tamil nation, its sovereignty and its right to self-determination – A federal solution is just a form of system to facilitate governance how can it recognize a Tamil nation? If its sovereign is it part of a nation? How can there be self-determination… please don’t fall for these lies.

3.           International investigation for genocide –It’s now 7 years Wigneswaran nor any of those claiming x number of people died have yet to produce the names. We have given a list of over 200 Tamils killed by LTTE – isn’t that genocide too?

4.           Remove occupying forces – A national army of a country does not occupy. They are the legitimate unit to defend the nation and protect its people. If anyone is occupying the North it is Wigneswaran who was parachuted from Colombo and made the Chief Minister of the North. Ideally a man living in the North should have been allowed to contest the post not a man who had been living all his life in the South with the Sinhalese.

5.           Ensure the safety, security and dignity of Tamil women – where was Wigneswaran when Tamil women and children were taken by force and turned into child soldiers and LTTE cadres? Who are raping these children and women – is it not the Tamil fathers and relations? Who are supplying liquor and narcotics that have turned the Jaffna youth into druggies and boozers? Isnt these narcotics coming from India and LTTE runs international narcotics while the taverns are all run by Tamils?

6.           Stop harassing former combatants? What kind of demand is this? The Sri Lankan Army rehabilitated them, the child soldiers were given a Presidential amnesty, they were given tutors and they passed their exams, they were married in ceremonies organized by the army, some of them are filmstars, singers and actors – who enabled all of these? It was not Wigneswaran or the TNA but the Sri Lankan Army and the former government. Nowhere in the world are combatants treated like ours – in other countries LTTE would have been charged for their crimes as should have been all others linked to LTTE. Its not too late though.

7.           Restore our lands – we return to the same question. What lands, prove so first.

8.           Stop plundering our marine resources – was this demand drafted by the Indians because if anyone is plundering Sri Lanka’s marine resources it is not Sri Lankans but the Indians.

9.           Prevent unlawful and forcible encroachment and fishing by Southern fishermen on our coasts and seas! Remove existing illegal encroachments – What kind of demand is this? Southern Sri Lankan fishermen cant fish in the North but the Indian fishermen can steal our fish from the North. Very funny!

10.       Prevent forcible & arbitrary entry of Southern fishermen into our seas – these demands are getting really hilarious – Wiggy says Indians can steal fish but the rest of the country’s fishermen cant fish in their country’s legally provisioned seas!

11.       Release political prisoners unconditionally – For an ex-judge Wigneswaran really needs to take out his books and realize that LTTE who took up arms against a state and killed unarmed civilians are not qualified to be categorized as political prisoners.

12.       Ensure justice for the forcibly disappeared – Names please, and then we can check how many of these disappeared are living in foreign shores.

13.       Stop seizing our traditional lands – this is a repeat of demand 7

14.       Stop destroying our culture – what culture is that? The Tamils in the North are fixated to everything South Indian – why not tell them to stop destroying your culture

15.       Stop subjecting us to total economic depression – wonder what type of economic development existed under 30 year rule of Prabakaran in the North. Can we please have some statistics of the booming economy in the North when LTTE ruled… some districts didn’t even have electricity and were restored by the former government, some areas didn’t even have schools and not even a road was built?

It is seriously advised that the racism of Wigneswaran stop. All that the Sinhalese say is that Tamils have no right to demand a homeland and seek to separate our small island nation.

We are a small island nation and the country is for all of us to live in. No one has any right to be dividing and cutting up the country to pieces plucking out terminologies used to carve out other nations.

 If the Tamils are coming out with lies to secure bogus demands we will challenge this by demanding proof because we are well aware that a Sinhale civilization existed and there are ample proof of this existence.

The bottomline is that while the Sinhalese are prepared to share the country we will not agree to any sharing that compartmentalizes people on ethnic or religious lines. Therefore the Sinhalese are advised to be alert to the attempts being made to change the constitution using these bogus demands to justify the existence of a bogus homeland theory.

If so the Sinhalese must place their demands for Sinhale homeland that existed until it was handed over to foreign powers by local traitors as is happening now.

It is good for some patriotic academics and researchers to come out with more facts to demolish this myth being floated just like the lies floated to justify military interventions in Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya and now Syria. Yes, the same culprits are involved and are working with local traitors in Sri Lanka.

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Geneva Resolution and Federalism as it is Today

On September 5 this year, the Global Sri Lankan Forum conducted a public seminar titled ‘Geneva Resolution and Federalism as it is Today.’ It focused on the Sri Lankan co-sponsored Geneva Resolution projected on the backdrop of the recently concluded visit by the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Ban Ki-moon. The discussion featured Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekara (Rtd.), Mr. Shamindra Ferdinando, a veteran journalist of The Island, Mr. Manohara Silva PC, Mr. Gomin Dayasiri PC and Mr. Mohan Samaranayake, the former Head of the UN Information Centre in Colombo.
 

“The war we fought was not against another country, but against a terrorist organization. They were not a group of thugs with machetes. Instead they had a conventional Army, a Naval and Air wing, as well as a proper command and control structure supported by separatist diaspora in the West.”

The Rear Admiral went on to compare the Sri Lankan conflict to the American Civil War where the situation that arose was between ‘a group that would wage war rather than let the union survive and another group that would accept war rather than let the union fall.’

“The dilemma faced by us was nothing different. The Sri Lankan troops had no option other than to accept war as the LTTE was all out to battle, and only former President Mahinda Rajapaksa had the political will to defeat it.”
“After we won the war, Ban Ki-moon came and appointed a panel of experts together with Zeid Al Hussein, and the ultimate result was a Geneva resolution against us, implying that we have committed war crimes and Human Rights violations, forcing us to take punitive actions as per their instructions.

What we had was a non-international armed conflict which was confirmed by the Paranagama Commission as well as the panel of experts appointed by the Secretary-General of the UN. As such, a separate set of rules govern these conflicts as mentioned in the Additional Protocol of the Geneva Convention 1949. As per the Article 3, nothing in the protocol shall be invoked for affecting the sovereignty of a State or the responsibility of a government to defend national unity or territorial integrity of the State. By waging the war, we exercised our sovereignty to defend both national unity and territorial integrity of the State. Article 3.2 states that nothing in the protocol can be used to intervene for any reason in the internal affairs of a contracting party.

Therefore, Zeid Al Hussein’s recommendations of a special council to investigate Human Rights violations, a new judicial system and devolution as per the 13th amendment to the Constitution, are close to intimidations that amount to intervening in our internal affairs in violation of the article.

This is why all these reports could not be submitted to the United Nations General Assembly and Security Council. Hence, Ban-Ki moon and Zeid Al Hussein violated their own rules. In addition, international legal luminaries Sir Geoffrey Nice QC and Rodney Dixon say findings in respect of alleged criminal violations fall well-short of legal standards, and that all the evidence was virtually unsourced.

Despite all this, Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera co-sponsored this resolution with the US. I personally think that he should be tried for treason for letting down the entire nation and those who have protected this country. Every country has established its judicial system as per the mandate given by its people. The present government has, in a cowardly and shameless manner, handed over that inalienable right of its people to an individual called Zeid.

With regard to these allegations of Human Rights violations during the last stage of war, Prabhakaran had about 350 human shields while he dug trenches and planted anti-personnel mines. We could have easily fired and destroyed the LTTE forces then, but to save the lives of the human shields, 300 soldiers walked over the trenches and died without firing guns. However, I have gone with the ICRC to bring back our soldiers who have been taken hostage. When I get there, I see the brutally murdered bodies of soldiers. That is the extent to which they safeguarded the Human Rights of our heroes.

Sir Desmond de Silva, a British authority on war crimes, has stated that the LTTE waged a ruthless separatist campaign in the final phase and when they were facing inevitable defeat, resorted to holding hostages and human shields so as to force the Army to run the risk of causing civilian casualties. Furthermore, there is evidence that the LTTE fired on their own people providing propaganda to invite international intervention. It was in his opinion that war crimes cannot be ascribed to the government on the facts mentioned.

Ban Ki-moon did sweet nothing when the LTTE held 350,000 civilians as human shields, but he visited Sri Lanka just one week after the war asking us to initiate an accountability process. In 2012, a committee submitted a report concluding that events in Sri Lanka marked a great failure by the UN in responding to early reports to execute a coherent strategy. The Secretary-General has admitted to this failure. We will never allow our motherland to be federated, nor allow our valiant soldiers be taken to international criminal courts. We will sacrifice our lives to safeguard the unitary nature of our country.”


“The HR High Commissioner presented a report after an investigation detailing reasonable grounds to believe that the SL security forces had violated humanitarian law. Based on this, the US drafted a resolution adopted in 2015, co-sponsored by our own government.

In 2002, the US, under George Bush, formulated a document called the ‘New National Security Strategy’ which has three primary components. Last in it is that the US should not allow any power to take US soldiers to international courts. That is how they treat their own people. The US waged war against Vietnam with Vietnam not doing anything wrong to them. A staggering four million Vietnamese were killed. But there are celebrations for it. Combating against poor nations is an ideal of the US, but they never admitted to war crimes.

The purpose of the resolution is not to promote reconciliation at all. The reality cannot be seen since false stories are being spread by our own government and the so-called international community. The present government, from the President to lowest level, repeatedly states that the Geneva resolution is the outcome of an agreement the former president entered into with Ban Ki-moon during a visit to Sri Lanka immediately after the end of the war in 2009. But, what is noteworthy is that he has so far not even visited Iraq or Syria, but arrived just three days after the end of our war. He is not bothered to go there and see, but he comes here and had discussions. He left after issuing a joint statement. The government says there was an agreement, but I couldn’t find it anywhere. Only a joint statement, but not an agreement. Even if it is an agreement, it is natural for some time to be given to implement it. Just six days after the Secretary-General left, the HR Council had a special session on SL.

The Commission on Human Rights that was in the UN prior to 2006 was criticized by many as being ineffective. Therefore, the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution in 2006 to establish the HR Council. When a vote was taken, the US was 1 of 3 opposing this formation. This is the very country that now uses the very mechanism it opposed to punish a poor and weak country for defeating armed terrorists.

In the 19th century when 13 States wanted to secede President Lincoln did the same as MR to save the union. In the US, Lincoln is considered a hero, but when MR does the same, he is taken to the HR Council. This is the duplicity. The US has killed millions of people after Christopher Columbus. In Mexico alone, in less than 100 years, the population was reduced by 90%. That is their history. They exterminated entire races. The US says that they are now democratic, but there is hardly any evidence to support their claim. They have attacked Iraq and Afghanistan, and what has happened to those countries. How is it that we don’t have a right to attack terrorists in our own country as a sovereign nation, but the US invades Afghanistan to eradicate terrorists? Therefore, this is a sinister process using the guise of peace. It is because we live in a world order that is hierarchically structured.”



“The Geneva resolution is not about Human Rights violations or accountability. It is about Federalism with the ultimate objective of a separate state.


The 1st operative clause of the resolution states that the co-sponsors take note with appreciation the update presented by the High Commission to the Human Rights Council at the 20th session, the report of Office of the High Commission, the report of investigation, including its findings which conclusions and encourages the GoSL to implement recommendations contained therein. As such, we have accepted every finding in the resolution.

There are remarkable similarities to the Kandyan Convention by which we handed over territory to the British. The first clause in it is about murders, crimes and violation of civil rights by King Rajasinghe. It was entered on the basis that the ruler had committed all those crimes. So is this. We accept every finding and conclusion. The sources of the report are the Darusman Report and statements made by the LTTE cadres. The Darusman report is one that speaks about amputations performed using the patient’s own blood filtered through a cloth due to shortage of blood. Do you believe this kind of nonsense Darusman relied on?

The second and third clauses of the Convention state that by the conduct of ruler Rajasinghe, he is not entitled to hold title any longer for crimes committed and therefore should be banished from the country with his relatives.

That too is included in the resolution. The preamble to the resolution speaks about rejoicing at the victory on January 8. This was sending MR home. It also rejoices in the 19th Amendment to the Constitution. Lots of people think about the 19th as good governance and doing away with executive power. It is in fact attempting to take away the power of the President who is elected by 50% of supporters voting in favour of him and giving it to a Member of Parliament elected from the roads of Colombo 7.

There are also three disqualifications to the presidential election in the 19th amendment. A president cannot contest a third time. That is to disqualify the former President from contesting even as a normal citizen sans power.

It also has a strange provision to increase the age from 30-35 years. We don’t have youngsters contesting, but the draftsman thought it fit to include this. They did it to prevent Namal. He wouldn’t be 35 at the next presidential elections.

Another disqualification is for dual citizens. Some say two members of the Rajapaksa family
are dual citizens.

The resolution also wants our PTA legislation repealed. What did the GoSL do with the Office of Missing Persons Act? It says that statements are to be recorded not by policemen but normal individuals. Under evidence orders, confessions given to policemen cannot be admitted in court. Why was it that they established a separate office? A designated officer, who could even be a foreigner, records your statement. This can be accepted in courts of law since they are not given to policemen. They will use these statements against our soldiers. What a pathetic state of affairs.

We live in a country where its own ruler abdicates the sovereignty of the people. He is a mere custodian with power for five years. Do they have a moral right to sell out the rights and self-respect of the people of this country? That is that plan. That is why in every paragraph you find a reference to
foreign intervention.”

“The Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) ignored two critical events. In June 2011 (over two years after the war), the then Colombo-based US Defence Attaché Lt. Colonel Lawrence Smith defended the GoSL at a seminar organized by the Army. The seminar dealt with ‘Defeating Terrorism: The Sri Lanka Experience.’ In response to a question regarding the alleged move by some LTTE cadres to surrender during the last few days of the war, the US official denied that possibility, thereby effectively contradicting those propagating the massacre of the surrendering persons.

The GoSL refrained from referring to the US statement. It also never bothered to take advantage of leaked US diplomatic cables (Wikileaks) in spite of them being crucial for its defence. One leaked cable dealt with a discussion Geneva-based US Ambassador Clint Williamson had with ICRC Head for Operations for South Asia Jacques de Maio. The US envoy declared on July 15, 2009, that the Army actually could have won the battle faster with higher civilian casualties, yet had chosen a slower approach which led to a greater number of Sri Lankan military deaths.” He also spoke about several false allegations.

“Allegations, in respect of the Vanni population being denied medicine, food and other basic needs, should be probed against the backdrop of supplies made available to Puthumathalan, until the second
week of May, 2009.

Further, the GoSL never sought an explanation from Geneva in respect of the number of civilians who perished during the Eelam war IV. British Labour Party MP Siobhan McDonagh (Mitcham and Morden-Labour) told the House of Commons in September, 2011, that 60,000 LTTE cadres and 40,000 Tamils perished during January-May 2009. She made the only specific reference to the number of LTTE cadres killed during a certain period. Special Amnesty International report titled ‘When will they get justice: Failures of Sri Lanka’s Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission,’ also released in September, 2011, estimated the number of civilian
deaths at 10,000.

A confidential UN report placed the number of dead, and the wounded, including LTTE combatants, at 7,721 and 18,479, respectively. The report dealt with the situation in the Vanni, from August, 2008, to May 13, 2009. The war ended a week after the UN stopped collecting data due to the intensity of fighting. The GoSL should seek the presence of Amnesty International, UK MP as well as the wartime UN head, before the judicial inquiry.

Sri Lanka never bothered to conduct a comprehensive inquiry taking into consideration all relevant information. Furthermore, the UN engaged in covert negotiations with the LTTE even after the group detained Tamil UN workers for helping people leave the Vanni west in early 2007.

Co-Chairs to Sri Lanka Peace Process knew what was happening. They too remained silent. The UN mission in Colombo kept UN headquarters in the dark.

The ICRC Foreign Ministry and the Paranagama Commission have furnished vastly different numbers with regard to missing persons. The UN too discusses the issue. They ignore the issue of thousands of Sri Lankans living overseas though being listed missing. A comprehensive investigation will expose those hiding overseas. Let me highlight three cases: (A) Frontline Socialist Party leader Kumar Gunaratnam received an Australian passport bearing the name ‘Noel Mudalige,’ (B) The Army was accused of killing wartime Vanni Tech Director Thayapararajah in September 2009.

Thayapararajah was arrested along with his wife and children in Tamil Nadu in May, 2014, (C) ex-LTTE cadre Anthonythasan, declared missing since early 90s, appeared in an award-winning French movie Dheepan last year. The media quoted the ex-Tiger as having said: “I came to France because at the time I was able to only find a fake French passport and not a fake British or Canadian passport.” Those opposed to the UN intervention should now pressurise the government to take up all available information to defend Sri Lanka’s image. It would be pertinent to mention that none of the aforesaid facts has been formally taken up with the UN, or the countries involved in the Geneva project


-By Rashmin Tirimanne de Silva

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